United over ‘No’
Figures from across the Turkish political spectrum are pointing to the dangers posed by the constitutional amendment.
cumhuriyet.com.trAt the panel entitled ‘The Constitutional Referendum under a state of emergency’ chaired by former General Chair of the Motherland Party and writer Nesrin Nas, it was concluded, given the danger inherent in the judiciary, legislature and executive being concentrated in a single hand, ‘We see Turkey moving away from democracy and going towards a dictatorial system. Government that cannot be held to scrutiny is coming.’ With it additionally being stressed at the panel that a referendum cannot be conducted under state of emergency conditions, the speakers also emphasised that it is impossible to say ‘yes’ to the constitutional amendment.
Former CHP MP and European Court of Human Rights judge, Rıza Türmen, journalist and one-time CHP General Chair, Altan Öymen, former parliamentary speaker Hüsamettin Cindoruk, who performed important duties in Adnan Menderes’s Democrat Party and Demirel’s Justice Party and True Path Party, former AKP MP and one of the party’s founders, Ertuğrul Yalçınbayır, and Profesor Ayşe Erzan participated as speakers at the panel organised yesterday at Taksim Point Hotel by the Citizen’s Initiative and Peace Block
YALÇINBAYIR: UNWAVERING INSISTENCE
Ertuğrul Yalçınbayır, stating that Turkey is a paradise for unrecorded dealings, said, ‘There is nothing but unrecorded dealings in politics, economics and religion. It is impossible to advance away from this unrecordedness without people, bodies and institutions whose word is trusted.’ Ertuğrul Yalçınbayır, commenting that he himself had been a member of the constitutional agreement commission and precise specification had been made for the legislative, executive and judicial organs, said, ‘These things were included in the annual programme and rhetoric from the time of the 58th government to the 61st government. This is a party programme and is binding on everyone including the general chair. In the course of work on the new constitution, at that time full agreement was achieved over 60 articles as well as considerable agreement over 39. This approach was dynamited with the insistence on a presidential system. On the rostrum behind us in parliament it says, “Sovereignty unconditionally belongs to the people.” That is, it says it cannot be transferred to any person or group. No organ may exercise power that does not derive from the constitution. Under this amendment that is being undertaken, we are placing the judiciary, authority and the executive in a single hand. We see that we are courting great danger under this constitution. Sectarianism will supersede all else. Party affiliation and provincial chairs’ directives will supersede all else, because the head of state will henceforth be party affiliated.’
RIZA TÜRMEN: ITS LEGITIMACY IS OPEN TO DEBATE
Rıza Türmen, for his part, said that democracy in Turkey is in danger and so people of various political views had come together and he himself would also say ‘No.’ Türmen, commenting that the constitutional amendment lacked democratic legitimacy, said, ‘All power will be concentrated in one person and there will be a move away from democracy. Turkish society will become even more polarised and tense. That is why I will say ‘No.’ Society faces heavy oppression. Freedom of assembly and thought has been eliminated. Freedoms have been restricted and the people’s channels for obtaining information have been closed. Members of parliament, academics and journalists are being held in prison. Regardless of the result, the legitimacy of such a constitution is open to debate. Bringing about a transition to a state system in which the judiciary, legislature and executive are concentrated in one person’s hand is not democracy; its name is dictatorship.’
ALTAN ÖYMEN: THE FACULTIES ARE SILENT
Altan Öymen said that the system of governance in Turkey underwent de-facto change on 10 August with the president being directly elected by the people. Öymen said, ‘There is now not a symbolic president, but one having de-facto power. The administration may impose all kinds of obstacle including denying access to the ballot box. Elections cannot be conducted under a state of emergency. Even in Turkey’s most difficult periods, law faculties made themselves heard. They even made themselves heard in the 1950’s. There were two universities at that time. Now there are 73 faculties but they are not making themselves heard to this extent.’
CİNDORUK: IT FITS THEIR AIMS
Hüsamettin Cindoruk stated that this constitutional amendment was not a project to change solely the regime in Turkey, but the region. Cindoruk said, ‘This is a constitutional project. Turkey’s regime and system is not its sole front, and it is an assault. It has been well prepared, correctly prepared. It is a draft that fits the aims of those in power very well.’ Hüsamettin Cindoruk, stressing that referendums are political gambles, said that the Constitutional Court would be put to a major test over the breaches experienced in the course of the proposed amendment. Cindoruk commented, ‘Yesterday, it said it had thought carefully about this. It had found this constitutional amendment to have been made by unknown perpetrators. But, there appear to be perpetrators. Both the prime-minister and the president as well as the ministers have divided Turkey in two. Those sitting here constitute old Turkey. The right to legitimate self-defence against this accrues to us. Old Turkey was a republic. I find talk of new Turkey and old Turkey to be very wrong.’
Peace Block Co-Spokesperson Prof. Dr. Ayşe Erzan characterised the amendment with the words: ‘This is a war constitution.’ The panel chair Nesrin Nas, for her part, stressed that the referendum was being staged in Turkey under a state of emergency and in an environment in which politics and the free media were under detention.